The House that Council 18 Built

They helped elect a governor, then regained the right to bargain collectively. Now New Mexico's state employees are about to win their first contract in almost five years.

By Clyde Weiss

ALBUQUERQUE, NEW MEXICO

Sounds of cheers and applause filled the air last March 7 at a bill-signing ceremony inside "the Roundhouse," the New Mexico state capitol. Newly elected Gov. Bill Richardson (D) was fulfilling a campaign pledge — and AFSCME's long-held goal — of restoring collective bargaining rights to as many as 11,000 state employees.

For Council 18, it was an especially sweet victory, after a long, difficult and ultimately very gratifying trip back to what President McEntee called "the table." After the International took control of the council, new leaders and activists established ambitious goals — along with a solid plan for achieving them. In the process, they quickly turned their council into a powerful political force and a well-oiled organizing machine.

When the state's previous collective-bargaining bill was passed in 1992, it had a built-in fault — a "sunset" clause that made the law expire in 1999. In early 2002, the newly reinvigorated council got cracking on its priorities: to quickly restore the union to internal health and turn it into a political force that could elect Richardson governor, restore collective bargaining and create an aggressive, grass-roots organizing campaign that would take advantage of the upcoming law and build a strong union that would improve state services and workers' lives.

Council 18 knew the Green Machine would be essential if labor was going to achieve its 2002 goals. The council moved into the political arena by proclaiming that every Wednesday night would be "AFSCME Night" at Richardson campaign offices across the state. On those nights, Council 18's volunteer activists worked phone banks, stuffed envelopes — whatever was needed.

But only one night a week. That way, the campaign wasn't beseeching members for help all the time, and volunteers weren't over-used. It worked from Richardson's perspective because he could count on AFSCME to be there every Wednesday. "After eight years under an anti-union administration, our members were excited about Richardson because he's such a pro-worker candidate," says Administrator Cuauhtemoc "Temo" Figueroa. "His campaign was about our issues."

ACTIVISM CATCHES FIRE. Lots of green-shirted activists started appearing on Wednesdays. Especially innovative locals began holding their union meetings on the same nights to increase turnout for campaign activities. The Inter-national granted funds so that about 12 volunteer activists could be freed from their jobs to work on member education and mobilization.

One of the activists was Robert Sanchez, now president of Local 624, which represents blue-collar workers for the city of Albuquerque. Although the solid-waste truck driver had worked in local campaigns, this was his first gubernatorial campaign. Putting up signs, phone-banking, door-knocking, leafleting, helping to set up rallies — even cooking — were tasks that he eagerly volunteered for because of the high stakes.

This was Patrick Derieg's first volunteer effort. President of Local 1461, the heavy-equipment mechanic, signed up for "AFSCME Wednesdays" and found himself phone banking. "For someone like me, rather quiet by nature, having to phone people in their homes was awkward and difficult." But Derieg got it done.

As the election drew near, AFSCME volunteers worked at locations throughout the state. The volunteers generated not only votes but also a buzz among candidates for other offices. Richardson was elected with 55 percent of the vote.

WE WON — NOW WHAT? The council then began a two-pronged effort to turn worker activism into building the union and getting collective bargaining restored. State employees formed organizing committees to spread the message: We're out to build a strong, activist union that has majority support, the right to bargain collectively, and a good contract that improves pay and benefits while resolving worksite issues.

Ten Council 18 activists came to Santa Fe to lobby the Democrat-dominated legislature for a solid week. Melinda Dominguez, a tax examiner, told lawmakers that morale was low among her colleagues "because they weren't getting raises or benefits, and our health premiums were skyrocketing." In March, their lobbying efforts succeeded: The Senate and House approved the collective bargaining bill, and the governor enthusiastically signed it.

Council 18's organizing campaign began even before the signing, and it accelerated immediately afterward. The council set an ambitious goal of reaching majority membership in the agreed-on bargaining unit by July — just four months after passage of the bill. Pushing hard, as they'd done to elect the governor and to reinstate collective bargaining, the union's new leadership and dedicated activists achieved that goal. In July, the council presented membership cards for more than 50 percent of the workforce in 13 agencies, thereby achieving recognition for 7,000 state employees.

Employees promptly nominated their own, 45-member bargaining team, developed proposals and, by August, were sitting down to negotiate long-needed job improvements. The employees also continued to develop State Worker Action Teams (SWATs) to address worksite problems, holding rallies to keep the pressure on the state's negotiators to produce a fair contract. Meanwhile, Council 18 has doubled in size in the last two years, and is targeting other state agencies and local governments for continued organizing. The council now encompasses 15 locals, with strong leadership in all of New Mexico's major cities. A key to the growth: At Council 18, everyone is an organizer.

From a union in strife to one in command of its destiny, the council has learned how to combine a political battle with a successful organizing drive and then to transform it all into a contract campaign. It's a story that will not end as long as there are workers seeking a voice on the job and willing to convert their concerns into union activism.